A Background Primer on Afrin and the TERROR STATE: Part One

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Posted by Bel Suave Bel Suave
It was not my intention to put together an explication of the background to events happening right now in the northern part of Syria. Given the already pressing demands upon my time I had hoped somehow that that was something which the 'normal' media channels could be left to achieve.

Unsurprisingly, I suppose, two weeks into the Turkish invasion of Syria, that hope shows no sign of being fulfilled - nor of ever being fulfilled - now that real journalism has sunk out of sight, to be replaced by distorted storylines and jaundiced agendas. SO... in the spirit of 'get er done,' ... I sat down today and 'got it done.' Or at least, got er started. Enjoy what is all too likely to be the only real backgrounder on Afrin and the Kurds which you are ever likely to read. In a sea of disinformation.... here is yet another of my 'message in a bottle' dispatches...
from an Anatolia time out of mind!

The dynamics in play behind the attempted invasion of Afrin are as follows:

The Kurdish-majority population there has mobilized itself around an idea of social transformation, which has been aided as well as impeded by the steady attack upon the by outside forces. A wartime footing has given them cause to avoid dissensions and disagreements which would ordinarily plague such a social experiment – at the same by, their resources for continuing it have been greatly undermined by the economic effects of war and blockade.

The blueprint of that proposed transformation has been drawn up by Turkish opposition movement PKK leader Ocalan, loosely based upon the ‘communitarian’ theories of deceased American Murray Bookchin.  It incorporates Bookchins' ideas of local council government and grassroots democracy, blending them with an emphasis upon social and gender equalitarianism and secular pluralism.

As such, the program reflects some traditional core values of the Kurds who come from western Anatolia – often Zaza dialect speakers, with Alevi religious affiliations, and a historical tendency to belong to movements which refuse the authority of central states or organized religion.  They have been persecuted by the central government since medieval times, when, in the form of Qizilbashis(Red Heads)they fought on behalf of Shia Persian regimes which competed for territory and influence with the Osmanli Sunni Turks of Anatolia.

In contrast, many of those who identify as Kurds in eastern Anatolia have more affinity to clan-based tribal organization under leaders who are Islamized Sunnis often employed by the central state to attack other ethnic minorities. These are the same demographic who occupy northern Iraq now in a putative Kurdistan that is allied with the Ankara Islamist regime. They also have strong and direct ties to Srael.

The PKK itself was formed as a ‘revolutionary Marxist’ vanguard organized to fight against the central Turkish government, for ethnic autonomy and class revolution both. As such, it reflects roots in a period of history in the C20th when leftist radicals organized around slogans mirroring the socialist-communist ideologies which jewish theoreticians like those of the “Frankfurt School” had introduced as “alternatives” to the Russian and Chinese Soviet Bloc experiences. Stripped to its roots, this is a form of ‘Trotskyite’ leftist faction that joins the Bolshevism of jewish secularist “Lev Bronstein” with the supposed ‘anti-statist’ doctrines au courant in C19th revolutionary circles to oppose the state capitalist models which have been the dominant form of ruling socialist countries.

Bookchin was a born and bred Trotskyite who split off like many of them did in the post war period, in search of a more appealing  platform from which to preach the doctrine of jewish ‘permanent revolution.’ His repackaging of left-wing anarchism with left-factionalist anti-soviet dogma would become part of the milieu out of which the ‘neo-con’ movement would spring – giving the secret trotskyist radicals cover in the conservative parties of the west as “anti-communist” advocates of free market capitalism.  Ultimately, they would seize the reins of power in the United States and other countries.

The mixed affinities and roots of the Kurdish population of Anatolia – spread out over four different artificial polities – Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria – reflect therefore many clashing tendencies which cannot really be homogenized by any basic kind of Kurdish nationalism. As reflected in the mixed results of Turkeys’ Kurdish-led parliamentary party HDP to mobilize its Kurds into one powerful voting bloc, the diverse interests of that demographic resists unity and favors division – a fact which the Ankara regime has been careful to encourage and capitalize upon.

Though the HDP as a political movement claims to be totally separate from the PKK, its performance in practice duplicates most of the PKK social program, minus the violent resistance. “Local democracy,” ethnic diversity, autonomy of government and secular society is the backbone of that program, with a heavy emphasis on gender equality, and the advancement of womens rights.

In Afrin, and the rest of the so-called Rojava Cantons which sprang up in the aftermath of a successful defense against Turkish backed jihadi invaders at Kobane in 2014, a certain amount of cohesion has been gained from the adoption of the PKK’s latest social project as described above. The part of the program emphasizing the role of women in ‘reshaping’ society is even more pronounced here; due to the success in the field which the women’s only military brigades have enjoyed, and the institutionalized division of authority by gender, the prestige and status of women in the Cantons is very high.

In this fact alone, leaving aside the clash in religious values and decentralized versus central authority model, the Kurdish Cantons of northern Syria have enraged the neo-ottoman Sunni radical regime in Ankara, whose role for woman and rejection of all diversity in society reflects the values of ghazi conquerors from medieval times. As such, the Turks have taken to labelling their Kurdish enemies an ‘existential threat.’ In this interesting turn of phrase the supposed Islamist regime in Turkey shows its basic affinity with the supposed ‘jewish’ regime in Srael, which views its Palestinian population as an ‘existential threat’ as well. Both regimes use terror against their minorities with a justification of religious nature.  Both therefore, can be accurately identified as regimes which express the basic ethos of the Judean returnees from Babylon, who brought back to their kith and kin a new doctrine of ‘leave nothing alive that breatheth.’

It is that goal which is sought now by the Ankara regime in Afrin. A regime which – behind the mask, is an expression of talmudic ethno-supremacist terror, pretending to an authentic Quaranic mandate of “holy war’ which does not in fact exist. Only talmudic kabbalism defends the concept of holy war on ‘unbelievers –  and Islam is, in the end, simply a heretical branch of that same destructive force.

Secular Judaists – such as Lev Bronstein, Murray Bookchin, secular nationalist Marxists such as Ocalan and his PKK, or religious factionalist such as the Sunni Turks, jihadist Daesh/ISIL, or Shia radicals of Hezbollah, or hard core ‘settler’ Zionists of Srael, all have much more in common... than is commonly believed! Behind the rhetoric, and behind the masks, lies the same false god as has been torturing the people of the middle east for millennia now. A god that binds its believers by way of blood – and demands ‘blood sacrifice’ from them.  

To their great credit, the Kurds of the Rojava Cantons have forged bonds with the rest of those who share the territory of northern Syria – minority Armenians, Assyrians, Yezidis and Orthodox Christian communities, as well as Sunni and Shia Arab ones. They have come together in an effective fighting force against the terrorist of Turkish controlled Daesh, and liberated most of their region from that threat – only to be faced with another one now, from the same ultimate source. Whether those bonds can last past the enforced period of solidarity which the past three years has engendered is an open question.  Only if they can loosen themselves from the grip of both the PKK and the state players of Syria,Turkey, Iran, Russia, and the United States can their experiment hope to survive - and thrive!

In part Two we'll examine that salient truth in some detail.

Meanswhile - examine, if you choose this interesting document with the theme of the Rojavan experiment as seen by those who are living it! Stateless-Democracy.pdf